Archive - 1996 - 1999

This is an archive page of a selection of news articles from Republican Movement newsletters from 1996 - 1999. We may expand this page from time to time with articles relevant to the debate.

Republicans conspire against Coro St (August 1997)

The television soap Coronation Street is again under threat. Defender of the show Geoff Bennett is concerned that republican influences are behind Television New Zealand's cut-backs to the show.Two years ago, Mr Bennett launched the petition that forced TVNZ to retain a full complement of Coronation St episodes. Bennett collected 40,000 signatures. TVNZ collected a whole lot of bad publicity.But TVNZ has again cut an episode of the high-rating show. While the British Broadcasting Corporation is producing four shows a week, New Zealanders get to see only three."We just don't want to fall behind. If we lose one episode a week, that's 50 episodes a year. Very quickly it's going to get quite out of date, and won't be topical," Mr Bennett said."I'm loath to say why they are cutting it back. It could be a political decision -- I honestly can't see any commercial sense in it. They decide these things very autocratically. But TVNZ is a state-owned enterprise, they are public servants. It is time they listened to what the people want."A TVNZ spokesperson acknowledged that Coronation Street was popular with advertisers, but said it was also commercially viable to run local programming. "It comes down to not wanting to use a third prime-time slot on Coronation Street. Given the choice between British shows and good New Zealand ones, we'd rather run the New Zealand programmes."TV One shows the New Zealand talent-quest "Showcase" in Coronation Street's previous time-slot.Mr Bennett suspected that there was an element of republicanism in the decision. Republicans, he said, are anti-royalist and anti-British. "They're trying to take away more English programmes, and give us more American and Australian programmes, like Blue Heelers -- which I wouldn't give a tuppence for. Hence the republicanism feeling comes into it."I don't think that Coronation Street is pro-royalist. I believe it is one of the Queen's favourite programmes, mind you, but that has no bearing on it."Some politicians would like to think New Zealand culture is moving away from things British. In reality, I believe we're still a pretty Anglicised nation. I understand that 80% of New Zealanders still have British ancestry."

Republican Movement of Aotearoa New Zealand president Dave Guerin rejected any republican conspiracy. "Mr Bennett is off the mark when he speaks darkly of republican influences being behind changes to Coronation Street's screening times. The main cause is a long-term shift in the beliefs of New Zealanders, especially in the younger age groups that television advertisers target."New Zealanders believe that our country will become a republic, and more do so every year. Younger New Zealanders who have grown up in an independent country, rather than a colonial dominion, are more supportive of the establishment of an independent New Zealand republic."But Mr Bennett shouldn't be too concerned about Coronation Street disappearing. We will become a republic within ten years and, just like platform shoes, British soaps will come back into vogue."

UK Government without peer (April 1997)

The new British Labour Government pledges to abolish the voting rights of hereditary peers in the House of Lords.Tony Blair's Labour Party and Paddy Ashdown's Liberal Democrats announced in February an agreement to abolish the 'hereditary principle'. The passing of such a bill would mean that the 622 hereditary peers in Britain's upper house would no longer be able to vote on legislation.There are 200 more hereditary peers in Parliament than there are life peers. However, few of the hereditary peers ever turn up to Parliament, and even fewer vote.Last year Blair argued that the proposal would transform the Lords into a "genuine body of the distinguished and the meritorious".He pointed to the passing of Thatcher's poll tax bill as an example of the hereditary peers' selective interest in politics. The poll tax looked likely to falter at the House of Lords, with most life peers opposing the bill. However, the Conservative Party summoned hereditary peers from throughout the realm to vote for the bill, which they supported at a rate of 5 to 1.

The introduction of the proposed bill into the House of Lords may create a similar interest among the hereditary peers. If they turn out to vote against it, it will be the second time many of them have ever voted.The proposal engendered strong opposition from Tories. Conservative Party chairman Brian Mawhinney compared Labour's planned changes to the British constitution, to 1960s town planners' changes to city centres: knocking down the historic buildings and replacing them with soulless, modern high-rise blocks.He described the proposal as "driven by envy" and said the change could pose a threat to Britain's entire constitutional settlement.One of the strongest reactions against Labour's proposal was from the editor of The Daily Telegraph Charles Moore. He said, "Think of the fuss if the Democrats in the United States, irked by the long-standing Republican majority in the Senate, tried to decree that 70 per cent of the seats should go. Think of the horror if Chancellor Kohl were to try to do the same in the German Bundesrat."It would be immediately obvious to the public of both nations that what was being proposed was an amazing arrogation of power by the dominant party, and blatantly unconstitutional."However, the Labour Party said they had consulted the Queen, who had no objections to the proposal.That announcement caused further outrage among Conservatives, who accused Labour of dragging the monarchy into the political fray.The changes to the House of Lords are in conjunction with a number of other proposed constitutional changes. These include changes to the voting system, devolution for Scotland and Wales, a Freedom of Information Act, and the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights into British Law.The new Government has not yet announced a time-line for any of these changes.

Hatty Birthday, Mr President! (April 1997)

If you can't beat them, declare your own!That's the message from the self-styled 'Mr President' who has declared his Canterbury farmland 'The Republic of Hat'. When the republic was declared 10 years ago, Mr President was elected to office, for life, by his dog, goat and cow.In honour of his office Mr President adopted his present name by deed poll.The republic is financed by income from the farm, and selling wares through the Republic of Hat's Travelling Emporium. The Emporium is often to be seen in the main street of Omarama, part of the neighbouring monarchy of New Zealand.

Republican Minister of the Crown – Deborah Morris (April 1997)

Jonathan Milne In the last few months, the tantalising potential has emerged for a massive step forward in the republican debate. The referendum proposal in the coalition agreement was closely followed by the appointment of two outspoken republicans as Ministers of the Crown.Minister of Youth Affairs Deborah Morris and Minister of Conservation Nick Smith, two young and talented Ministers outside Cabinet, provide the republic with leading advocates within both New Zealand First and National.

Morris was a founder of the Republican Movement of Aotearoa New Zealand, and remains firmly committed to the principle of a republic. She is keen to maintain contact with the Republican Movement, and values the Movement's role in promoting and debating the issues of New Zealand's links with the Crown.Morris says "There is a possible tide change in Parliament, and this may have an impact. But only if there are enough people outside Parliament who are concerned. You have to recognise that Parliament is so goddamn busy, though...."

She believes the Republican Movement has been too low-key, and needs to build up a higher profile. "You need to demonstrate a republic's possible impact on people's lives. That is because at this time, many people have more urgent and important issues to concern themselves with."New Zealanders are not yet ready to debate the republic in any great depth. Something is needed, in order to catch their attention. Look at what happened with voluntary student unionism. It was almost a non-issue, until the election of VSM executives in individual universities. Then suddenly it became a nationwide political issue.

An event like that can move awareness along."If Australia makes a move -- in either direction -- it is likely to shift republicanism to the forefront of New Zealanders' minds. But perhaps the most effective prompt would be a referendum. Not only would a referendum be useful to gauge public opinion on republicanism, but it would really get the debate raging. Of course, you probably can't afford a referendum right now. I think you need a bit of a run-up."As Minister of Youth Affairs, Morris is responsible for ensuring that the voice of young people is heard. The proportion of young people favouring republicanism is larger than the proportion of their parents' and grandparents' generations. However, Morris recognises that this does not give her a mandate to advocate republicanism on their behalf."I can stand up and say, 'I am in favour of the principle of republicanism'. But I can't speak for any youth constituency. You can't put the young into boxes: they are a generation full of contradictions. The primary challenge is to get young people feeling that they are connected to the democratic process -- to show them their connection with the democratic history of the country."By the same token, she sees no hindrance in her party's major constituencies. Maori and the elderly are both more likely to support New Zealand First, and remain less likely to be republican.

Accordingly, New Zealand First has no policy on republicanism. However, Morris perceives no problem in this: "It is just a matter of how I go about expressing my support for republicanism".It is with the status of Maori in a republic that she has her main reservation about republicanism. "I want to ensure that the status of the Treaty of Waitangi is protected. This concern has arisen out of discussion with my Maori colleagues. It is important that the issues of the status of the Treaty, and of the Crown's relationship with Maori, are addressed. If these two issues could be resolved, then I would be all for a republic."Morris argues that republicanism cannot be considered on its own, as a distinct issue. "That is why republicanism needs to be tied into the lives of ordinary New Zealanders. It is about our image of ourselves, and of our place in the world."

Referendum on republic (December 1996)

A commitment to a referendum on republicanism has been included in an addendum to the National-New Zealand First coalition agreement.Republican Movement President Dave Guerin said it was great news for republicans. Now that MMP had been implemented it was time to look at other political and constitutional reforms. It would be a shame, he said, if other political parties responded along traditional partisan lines."None of the parties have yet developed real positions on republicanism. It is time for them to consult with their members, and then do so."The promise is part of a range of measures which were not contained in the original document released on 10 December. Deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters denies the items were 'secret' and says that time pressures had meant they were unable to be included initially.

Parihaka - New Zealand's first republic? (December 1996)

Evan Roberts West of Mount Taranaki is the tomb of Te Whiti O Rongomai. The English inscription reads:

He was a man who did
great deeds in suppressing evil
so that peace may reign
as a means of salvation
to all people on earth.

Te Whiti -- was he also one of New Zealand's first republican leaders? Through the wars of the 1860s Maori searched for methods to protect the reduced domain of their sovereignty. To the north, Waikato and Ngati Maniapoto held the boundaries of the King Country. The traditional interpretation -- that Maori sought to imitate British structures to preserve their sovereignty -- mistakes the degree of indigenous thought involved, but the model is still certainly not republican.Parihaka, though, deserves consideration as contemporary New Zealand republicans seek historical connections and precedents for their actions. James Cowan, an early twentieth century historian of the New Zealand wars, and respected enough to be invited to see Te Whiti in the twilight of his days, called Parihaka "Te Whiti's little republic".Little maybe, but the city state is a republican form with an impressive lineage.Te Whiti followed in a long line of prophets from Taranaki. In 1867, the year the great warrior Titokowaru called "...the year of the daughters... the year of the lamb", Te Whiti's vision of resistance centred not on further innovations in pa-based warfare, but on an open settlement, a village of peace.The site he chose was on the banks of the Waitotora stream, with a view of the ocean and the mountain. Over the following two years Te Whiti and his growing number of followers concentrated on building their state. Although apparently heedless of the wider war, in the republic they founded the challenge mounted was greater for its lack of aggression.In carvings and chants Te Whiti represented resistance with the metaphor of Ruru and Riki, the gods of peace and war, being stalked by the Pakeha cat. What a way to resist too! With the King Country the British could at least fool themselves that 'imitation is the sincerest form of flattery'. But the virulent and violent reaction to the peaceful sovereignty exerted at Parihaka indicates it was the form of sovereignty which proved the provocation. There are republican parallels too in the instances of the people of Parihaka refusing to pay rates and levies to bodies on which they were not represented.The state was run by a committee of management, with Te Whiti and Tohu giving spiritual and temporal oversight. The influence of peaceful Christianity on the state was noteworthy, and further confounded the colonial settlers whose own religion was being interpreted so differently. Before the secular republicanism we are nowadays more familiar with there was a long Calvinistic tradition in France, Switzerland and Scotland, which held that since all are equal before God no man is fit to be elevated to monarch. Perhaps then, the state was a modern Geneva -- a religious republican city state.Faced with colonial determination to assert sovereignty over the entirety of the country Parihaka slowly ceded its autonomy in the early twentieth century, despite its resistance to armed invasion in the 1870s and 1880s. The death of Te Whiti weakened their struggle even more, and his daughter who was chosen to lead could not halt the slow ebb of sovereignty. In time even the township fell into disrepair, but the vision has proved enduring and capturing. As well as their peaceful and communal resistance to British expansion there is a republican dimension to Parihaka.As we look to the future New Zealand republic we can cast the nuclear-free assertion of independence as a parallel to the pacifism of Parihaka. In as much, then, the portents for a New Zealand republic are not just our ideals, but concrete historical achievements. We will do well to emulate them.

Parties avoid republican issue (October 1996)

A few days out from the election, it is clear that governments will neither stand nor fall on the issue of republicanism. Only one of the parties likely to be represented in Parliament has an official position on the place of the monarchy in New Zealand.The Christian Coalition manifesto declares that the party "would maintain New Zealand’s national independence and sovereignty as a constitutional," and "retain our ties to the monarchy." This assertion is consistent with co-leader Graeme Lee’s long-standing reputation as parliamentary defender of the Royal Family.National Party president Geoff Thompson, on the other hand, says his organisation has no policy on republicanism. "The Party supports the current constitutional monarchy - and that is written into the Party’s rules. There are no proposals to change that part of the rules." A member of the National Party Research Unit does suggest, however, that if the issue came to be decided in Parliament, the Party would probably treat it as a conscience vote.Other parties are similarly equivocal. Neither Labour, the Alliance, nor New Zealand First has a policy on removal of the monarchy. This is despite the traditionally high level of support for a New Zealand head of state among supporters of left-wing parties.MP Steve Maharey emphasises that Labour has no policy on a republic. He has, however, personally raised the issue a number of times. "The National Government, Mr Bolger in particular, have made a mess of the republicanism issue by grandstanding but doing nothing of substance.... At some time in the future a referendum will need to be held if interest in becoming a republic grows."The only parties which explicitly support the move to a republic are the Libertarianz, the Progressive Greens, and The Republican Party. These are fringe parties with essentially fringe policies: the Libertarianz, for instance, promise to establish a Republic of New Freeland. Not one of them has a realistic chance of being represented in Parliament, which means that republicanism may remain non-partisan.

Republican Party fails to delay election (October 1996)

An Auckland High Court Judge has turned down a legal challenge which could have delayed the first MMP election. The Republican Party sought an injunction to force the Chief Electoral Officer to include it on ballot papers as a party entitled to a list vote. Justice Paterson confirmed the Electoral Commission decision to ban the party from having any list candidates, because it did not include an important declaration when it faxed through the list. The Republican Movement of Aotearoa New Zealand warned against confusing the two organisations.A spokesperson said "the Republican Movement is not a political party, and has no intention of entering that arena"."The Republican Movement sympathises with some of those philosophies held by the Republican Party. However, we believe that republicanism goes far beyond partisan politics, and we accordingly choose to lobby the New Zealand public and Parliament as a whole."

Governor-General may decide election (October 1996)

Jonathan Milne Republicanism is said to be a non-issue this election. Yet one thing is ominously certain: the way we choose our Head of State will be an issue after the polls close this weekend.Simon Sheppard argued, in The Evening Post a fortnight ago, that it may take "a major shock to the New Zealand system of government" to alert voters to the importance of republicanism. We are currently staring right down the barrel of that major shock.When the votes are counted up on Saturday night, there will be some serious partying in the headquarters of five, six, or seven political parties. That many parties will be elected to New Zealand’s Parliament. A slight damper on the celebrations will be that nobody will know who is government, and nobody will know who is Prime Minister. That decision will (hopefully) be made in a couple of weeks, maybe a couple of months, when the New Zealand Head of State appoints a Prime Minister. Our current Head of State, of course, is Queen Elizabeth. As she is unavoidably detained in London at present, the Governor-General Sir Michael Hardie Boys will be doing her job for her. That job is usually a pretty simple one: the Governor-General just does what Cabinet says. It will be somewhat less simple from this weekend, when he cannot rely on Cabinet, leaving the Governor-General to find a new Prime Minister without advice. So what would you do if you were wearing Sir Michael’s plumed hat? Here are the choices. You can appoint as Prime Minister:

a) The party leader whose party has the most seats in Parliament.
b) The party leader whom you think has enough support across Parliament to win one or two votes of confidence.
c) The party leader with the prettiest policies.
d) None of the above.

It should come as no surprise to find that the current National Government’s Attorney General, Paul East, thinks that Option A is a good one. After all, National looks like safe odds to get the most seats in Parliament. However, should Jim Bolger be reappointed, it may be a short-lived government. In eight weeks Parliament will meet, his government will probably lose a vote of confidence, and we’ll be left again with no government.Neither is the second option such a good one. As our political parties struggle to come to grips with proportional representation, they are making one fundamental error. Most will not formally state with whom they will form coalitions, and whom they are willing to support in votes of confidence. The Governor-General will be open to accusations of bias, if he personally attempts to assess which party has the support of the majority of Parliament. He will also be in grave danger of being proved wrong.Option C is quite clearly the dummy answer. The Governor-General is meant to be a neutral arbiter of democracy. He can’t bring his personal politics into appointing a Prime Minister, right? Well, let’s hope not. However, the ‘neutral’ Governor-General is a Cabinet appointee. In the past, a National Cabinet has appointed ex-National Prime Minister Keith Holyoake as Governor-General, and a Labour Cabinet has appointed ex-Labour Mayor of Auckland Cath Tizard.Option D in the only one remaining. In this multi-choice test, one important person is opting for ‘none of the above’. Sir Michael Hardie Boys has announced that he intends to do nothing - he will hope that it all just sorts itself out amicably. And you thought yogic flying was an optimistic solution to the problems of government!For eight weeks after the election, the nation will wait for the politicians to formally and publicly announce that they have agreed who should be government. New Zealand politicians, unfortunately, are not well known for their skills at consensus-building.

So when Parliament meets again, there may be no government. At that point, a few party leaders will try to test the waters, by asking for the confidence of the House of Representatives. If no party can claim and retain that confidence, then this country will be back in the polling booths.The problem is not with MMP. Most of the western world, after all, manages to make proportional representation work smoothly. The problem is, rather, with the way New Zealand selects and empowers its Head of State. As it stands, the Governor-General is a Cabinet appointee, with some vague "reserve powers" which are undefined until the Governor-General decides to use them - or in Sir Michael’s case, decides to not use them.The advent of MMP creates a real urgency about how we select our Head of State. New Zealand needs to set in place a written constitution which defines the powers of the Head of State, and as far as possible eliminates their personal discretion from the process of government formation. More important still, we need to institute a selection procedure which makes a Head of State democratically accountable for their decisions.Republicanism may not be an election issue on Saturday. But I confidently predict that the accountability of our Head of State will be a Number One issue at the next election. All the more so if that election is only six months away.

Whangamomona Republic (October 1996)
Simon Sheppard The city state has a proud place in republican tradition. Some of the greatest art, literature and political thought in history have been inspired within a metropolis governed by the people; Athens, Rome, Venice, Florence, Whangamomona....Whangawho? 69 scenic kilometres along the Heritage Trail from Stratford Whangamomona, population circa 300, has shown the rest of New Zealand the way to liberty, equality and especially fraternity.

The region does have something of a rebellious tradition; the republic of Hawera survived a few months in 1879. In 1989 local government restructuring shifted the town from Taranaki into the Manawatu-Wanganui region. The bureaucrats in Wellington probably thought they could get away with doing that to a township whose rugby team played in the Taranaki senior fourths division.The locals had other ideas. Whangamomona doesn't actually have a Bastille. In fact, it doesn't have much of anything. A small strip of abandoned buildings, a church, a garage and a tavern are all that line the main street. The last operating shop went under sometime during the 1960s. But the people went to the barricades anyway."It suddenly came to them, you know as a bit of a joke, why not call ourselves a republic?" Whangamomona President Ian Kjestrup explained. "And we thought about it, and we thought 'why not?'"

As its chequered black and white flag flew proudly overhead and the national poem of the fledgling republic concluded with "Stuff the Manawatu!", Kjestrup was sworn into office and took his hay-bale throne.Republic Day was designated the Saturday closest to 1 November. Border patrols are established every year to supervise the purchase of the $2 passport required for entry. A special batch of money is printed for the occasion, redeemable at a dollar-for-dollar exchange rate.The republic offers such bacchanalian pleasures as its stalls; raffles; axe and gumboot throwing competitions; the wool bale race; the lolly scramble; the sheep shearing race; the dry Weetbix eating contest; and the fancy dress competition. When the sun goes down there is a hangi, live music and dancing in the street. All the while visitors are encouraged to imbibe great quantities of an indigenous carbonated amber beverage which produces intoxicating effects.Profits from Republic Day go into the community, mainly to buy equipment for the two local schools. There is no local secondary school; the children will someday go away to boarding school. Their parents who remain face an hour's drive to Stratford and an hour back just to get their shopping done. But when asked whether life in Whangamomona was too difficult and too isolated, one citizen replied "We love it - it's like one big family."

Who's afraid of republicanism? (August 1996)

It's election year -- all the big issues are being debated and political parties are expounding their views on them. Yet parties are being conspicuously silent about one of these issues -- republicanism.Ever since Jim Bolger's support for a New Zealand republic was quashed by his counterparts, republicanism has become 'his issue' and as a result almost all other parties have avoided coming out with a position on whether or not New Zealand should cut its ties with the British monarchy.Political parties are most accountable in election year as they lay their cards on the table in order to win over like-minded voters. As ardent supporters of a New Zealand republic it is important that we urge parties, and their members, to take a stance on republicanism. Not only will this inform us of where they stand, but it will bring the issue further into the public arena.

This will have the direct result of prompting ordinary New Zealanders to decide how they feel about the issue, which could potentially lead to a government which is prepared to renounce the Queen as our head of state.But how can we find out if potential MPs prefer the kiwi to the corgi? One way is writing to your local candidates, but this doesn't inform the general public. In my opinion, it is important that the Republican Movement of Aotearoa New Zealand as a whole formulates ways of making our future leaders outline their position on republicanism. This could be through media contact, lobbying and other methods. The most important thing is that we show political parties that republicanism is not a concern of some minority group, but is an issue about which many New Zealanders are concerned.

Privy Council to be dumped (June 1996)

The Privy Council is to be removed as the final appeal court for New Zealand. The Government is introducing legislation to make this change before the general election.The new structure will involve creating two tiers within the existing Court of Appeal and appointing one or two more Court of Appeal judges.Attorney-General Paul East announced the proposal, saying "New Zealand has now developed its own jurisprudence and it is appropriate for the final Court of Appeal to be a New Zealand based Court." He denied that this was a republican move.

Dave Guerin, President of the Republican Movement, replied "Of course it's a republican issue — we're taking responsibility for our own nation. Republicanism is all about taking our place in the world, and shouldering responsibility for our own decisions. This issue goes right to the core values of republicanism." "Like most New Zealanders, we have confidence that New Zealand's judiciary will maintain their high standards of decision-making. We look forward to a New Zealand legal system that is more in tune with New Zealand society," said Guerin.The issue may founder in Parliament, with other parties unwilling to support a republican proposal leading up to the election.

Kia ora Keri (April 1996)

Keri Hulme is the first patron of the Republican Movement of Aotearoa New Zealand. The appointment was unanimously made in Wellington at the Republican Movement's AGM.Keri Hulme is one of New Zealand's leading writers and poets, whose works have received acclaim around the world. Her most famous book, the bone people, is a uniquely New Zealand work which explores our own culture - along with the many other themes that readers have found for themselves.She lives in Okarito, on the West Coast, which she and her neighbours have proclaimed 'the Free Republic of Okarito'. Keri brings great enthusiasm and a broad network of contacts to the Movement. Her interest in the position was sparked after the last issue of Rep, which is a compliment considering Rep's aim is to inform and involve members!

Dave Guerin said at the AGM, "the appointment of Keri Hulme as Patron will improve our ability to advocate republicanism and we look forward to her involvement".Patrons are selected for their mana in New Zealand society and their enthusiasm for the Republican Movement. They are advocates of republicanism in New Zealand, with an emphasis on the 'big' issues rather than the day to day debate.

The way we were (April 1996)
Jonathan Milne, opinion piece There was once a time when republicanism meant more than it does now. Significantly more! It was big republicanism.The somewhat short-lived Republican Party of 1967 is survived by its Manifesto of the New Zealand Republic, a document that defines republicanism in new and exciting ways, even when read in 1996.Advice given in the Manifesto spans a stunning spectrum, from the licensing of vendors of sexual services, to the removal of restrictions on "alcohol or similar drugs".Undoubtedly it took imagination to link republicanism to the State Advances Corporation's role in determining the size of land subdivisions. However, the Republican Party was at its most innovative in its approach to developing a manifesto:

THAT because the President of the New Zealand Medical Association has done considerable research into the nation's medical problems, and because he has expressed the view that he is interested in the Republican movement, that he be asked to submit points for consideration in the Manifesto of the New Zealand Republic.

Unfortunately, the rather loose definition of 'republicanism' is not the only fundamental difference between the Republicans Mark I and the Republican Movement of Aotearoa New Zealand.Their 1967 Manifesto featured an alarming form of nationalism -- one based on xenophobia. It was implicit in the preamble to the document:

We as people descended from Anglo-Saxon, Polynesian and a score of other forebears, people with a sense of common identity which demands the establishment of an independent republic, wish to distinguish ourselves in this way from others beyond our shore who are alien and foreign to us.

It becomes explicit when the Republican Party asks that New Zealand "takes steps to exclude by national quota those immigrants who would upset the degree of harmony we already have".Today, the Republican Movement of Aotearoa New Zealand is about developing our own identities, about finding our own place in the world. Republicanism shouldn't be about us closing our doors, windows and curtains to the world -- send our mail back.Does big republicanism entail nationalistic jingoism? If so, I'd prefer that republicanism mean less.

I like pukekos (March 1996)

The Government has announced the replacement of the imperial honours list with an indigenous New Zealand list. The new honours list will be capped by the Order of New Zealand, currently occupied by twenty people including Dame Kiri Te Kanawa and Sir Edmund Hillary. Republican Movement spokesperson Stephen Riden said to Radio New Zealand, "We are pleased to see that New Zealanders can now recognise other New Zealanders for their contribution to our community." "The Republican Movement believes in recognising merit, rather than blood-line. A New Zealand-based honours list is a great way of doing that." Minister of Justice Doug Graham had earlier said that "the Order of the Pukeko could scarcely occasion the same respect as the Royal Order of St Michael and St George". Does the Order of the Garter hold up similar respect, Doug?

Coronation St. on probation (March 1996)

Republicanism is continuing its move into the New Zealand limelight with two major television shows on the issue. The BBC's Geoffrey Robertson presented a star-studded episode of Hypothetical which looked at the implications of the monarchy's collapse upon New Zealand. Thomas Keneally, chair of the Australian Republican Movement, was a special guest on the show. This gave the Republican Movement of New Zealand a chance to meet him in person for the first time. The episode of Fraser discussing republicanism sometimes degenerated into a bunfight. Accuracy was often a victim. Graeme Lee confidently asserted that the Treaty of Waitangi would have to be annulled if we became a republic! But panelists such as the Republican Movement's Stephen Riden and musician Chris Knox were able to bring some clarity to the discussion. Knox argued that republicanism is vital in defining a distinct New Zealand identity.

Bill Clinton couldn't confirm (March 1996)

The Republican Movement heard two very different perspectives on republicanism late last year. Tony Simpson, current President of the PSA and long-time republican, addressed a meeting of current and new members. Simpson described republicanism as an act of independence by New Zealand. He contrasted his own cultural and nationalistic republicanism with Jim Bolger's variety. Bolger wanted a republic to make New Zealand more attractive to international capital interests, he said. Manuka Henare, a lecturer in Maori Studies at Victoria University, emphasised the diversity of republican support. Referring to the Treaty of Waitangi and the Declaration of Independence, Henare argued that Maori support for a republic would be conditional upon how it respected their constitutional concerns.